Now the Thai government is focusing on the bid for a non-permanent seat in the UN Security Council for 2017-2018. It is an uphill task. If Thailand is to win wider support from UN members, it needs to follow the roadmap with an elected government in place during the first quarter of next year. Failure to do so would be disastrous for the UN campaign.
Kavi Chongkittavorn | The Nation | Geneva February 16, 2015 1:00 am
The murder of Chai Bungthonglek, a land rights activist, in Surat Thani last week has blackened Thailand in the eyes of the world and further tarnished its human rights record. Chai’s murder came ahead of the 28th session of the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) to be held in Geneva between March 2 and 27. Foreign Minister Tanasak Patimapragorn will be attending. Thailand has lots of explaining to do as too many human rights abuses have occurred and been widely reported since the power seizure in May. Key issues remain the continued imposition of martial law, a gag on freedom of expression and assembly, the practice of “attitude adjustment” and the use of the military court. The overall “non-democratic” atmosphere in Thailand also dampens the Thai profile among UN colleagues.
During his visit to Japan recently, Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha spelled out for the first time that a general election would be slated within a year. That would mean by next January or earlier, Thailand would return to democracy with an elected government, fulfilling the promised roadmap and pressure from the international community.
The message was well received by diplomats based in Geneva.
At the upcoming UNHRC session, there will be a general review of the human rights situation around the world. In the previous two sessions last year, Thailand’s political developments and the imposition of martial law were mentioned. It must be noted that within the UN circle, human rights violations in Eritrea, North Korea, Syria, Gaza Strip and Sri Lanka are the focus of diplomats and officials.
But headline news of human rights violations coming from Thailand has constantly reminded the world that all is not well in the land of smiles, so they have to follow local developments much more closely. For instance, the continued imposition of martial law reflects badly on Thailand. Some officials have called for the lifting of martial law either as soon as possible or to be achieved in phases. Maintaining the present status quo over the past eight months, given the current more stable situation, is seen as unwarranted.
Another practice — of “attitude adjustment” sessions for politicians and any person who has different views — has been widely ridiculed as the work of nincompoops. This policy, which was popular in the communist and dictatorial regimes, seldom works because it is a mere act of political intimidation. Foreign officials urge the Thai government to stop this practice immediately to regain confidence and trust in the international community.
Indeed, the government’s key leaders, including Prayut and Tanasak, need to adjust their style of engagement with the public at large, especially with media and academics. A more mellow Prayut and a less secretive Tanasak would widen public support and improve the country’s image abroad almost immediately.
Up to now, the prime minister is still trying to get his message across every day. For example, local media seldom pick up on issues raised in his TV address every Friday, even though some are pivotal. His choice of words, body language and gestures could be improved with professional assistance.
In the case of his colleague, Tanasak, many diplomats noted that on the Foreign Ministry’s website, there was no information about him. The page on his curriculum vitae has also been left blank since he took up this portfolio. In the past eight months, he has rarely given interviews. Senior foreign ministry officials were told not to talk to journalists without his clearance.
It is not wrong to say that the Thai military leaders do not have the communication abilities to delicately handle non-military tasks, especially on military-civilian relations. A stringent command and control structure has been imposed on all decisions. They might have been effective during the 1980s fighting against communist insurgents — but these same “preventive measures” are now outdated and unfit for the current environment and politically-astute stakeholders.
Numerous political scandals and embarrassments could have been avoided – especially involving the communities of academia, media and business — if the military had been more practical with overall approaches and adjusted its IO (information operation) strategies.
For example, the military has so far failed to appreciate the widespread use of social media and its influence. Instead of trying to understand this universal phenomenon and utilise it in constructive ways, they have chosen to contain and censor the social media — at best an impossible task. The cost of monitoring online communication has doubled from the pre-coup period of approximately 1.7 million baht a day.
The military could have an easier job and suffer less frustration if it improved communication practices to ensure the ongoing political reforms and constitutional drafting process have been sufficiently reported, both in and outside the country. For the time being, foreign reports on Thailand continue to focus on human rights violations and unfair treatment of political dissidents.
Again, in the eyes of diplomats, Thailand’s human rights record “is not that bad” but “there is room for improvement.” Many UNHRC members were surprised that Thailand could not muster enough votes to win a seat in the UNHRC last year. In three attempts over the past ten years, Thailand succeeded only once in joining the UNHRC — during 2010-2011. The first attempt in May 2006 failed due to the widespread human rights violations committed by the then Thaksin government in the southern provinces of Thailand. Last year, the perception of a totalitarian Thailand was prevalent.
Now the Thai government is focusing on the bid for a non-permanent seat in the UN Security Council for 2017-2018. It is an uphill task. If Thailand is to win wider support from UN members, it needs to follow the roadmap with an elected government in place during the first quarter of next year. Failure to do so would be disastrous for the UN campaign.
What happens in the next 12 months could be crucial — every word, every movement counts. They will determine Thailand’s political health and relations with the rest of the world.
